At all the meetings, conversations that I have attended (Ekiganiiro, Ssuubi, etc...) we have discussed issues that impact the electorate but obviously these issues do not sell papers or interest journalists as a story line. For those who are asking why I have not yet come up with a laundry list of the things I want to clean up as an MP, I want you to know that I take a different approach to leadership. I do not 'tell' people what am going to do for them. Rather I ask them what they would like a legislator to do for them. The issues and solutions come from the people themselves.
Now ofcourse, I do stand for certain ideals that are outlined in FDC's draft and past manifestos. High up on my list are:
- Women's rights (land, succession, equal access to opportunity and emancipation, particularly political participation.)
- Political accountability - whereby voters hold leaders accountable to their campaign promises,
- Good governance which includes upholding constitutional rights and obligations, fighting corruption and abuse of office, separating the state from the ruling party, separating and promoting mutual respect among the three arms of government (executive, legislature and judiciary).
These causes, for which I have struggled the last 10 years; inform my thinking on legislating and appropriating public funds for national development. My understanding of 'taking power to the people' for example, is not creating smaller districts that are run by appointees of the central government. I would advocate for federating at regional/cultural level in larger units so as to benefit from economies of scale in administration; and also to benefit from taking governance and control of a significant amount of resources to the local level, thereby empowering these federated entities to make decisions and implement policies and programs based on their local priorities.
I have strong views on managing the population explosion which I believe is the result of a sinister population policy and neglect by the current government. I cannot address urban poverty without addressing the issue of birth control.
I am concerned by the neglect of urban infrastructure and services which makes our city look like one large slum, and am concerned by the appaling neglect of health and basic sanitary services to the highly congested 'real' slum areas.
I have questions about the application of the condominium law which enabled some residents in Nakawa Division (Bugolobi) to get ownership of their apartment units while residents of Naguru were left to fight off investors without being given the opportunity to buy their units.
As I learn more about the issues facing different constituents of Nakawa division, and after I have decided to run; I will develop a manifesto that addresses our common and diverse concerns as a constituency, one that is in sync with the overall goals of FDC and with my vision as a leader.
Monday, July 5, 2010
Tuesday, June 29, 2010
Consulting: Anne for MP, Nakawa Division, Kampala District
One of the most parochial views in my Inbox this morning is that I should run in some place in Ankole which is my home. This could be the turning point for me! I needed an abbusrdity like that to make me run in Nakawa whether I win or lose (and I shall win!) So this parochial view is that Nakawa does not need another 'Ruhinidi?' Why would Buganda want to isolate itself from non-Baganda supporters of its cause? And I have been a staunch supporter of Buganda through the years which is more than I can say for many Baganda MPs today!
I have spent most of my life in Kampala/Buganda (1972 - 2001) and I have studied in some of the countries best educational institutions in Buganda: Kitante, Gayaza, Makerere. My family moved to Kampala from Mbarara in 1972 when I was 6.5 years old and I have never moved back. My parents moved back to Mbarara only 2 years ago! I started my work life in Kampala, Buganda and I have never servered my relationship with Buganda. Our first place of abode in Kampala in '72 was Bugolobi Flats. I am currently establishing residence in Bugolobi Bungalows...but why should I even labor the point? I am a Ugandan citizen with a right to stand in any Ugandan constituency as long as I meet the qualifications and requirements of the electoral law.
Incidentally, I have been invited by FDC and non-FDC supporters and leaders to run in Kibingo (a new district in former Bushenyi,) Mbarara municipality, and Mbarara women's seat. I have zeroed in on Nakawa because I feel a stronger affinity to residents of that community, because of my historical links to the city and because I understand issues of urban poverty, the threats of an expanding and unplanned city and because my heart beats to the rhythm of Kampala.
I joined politics in 2000 because some people threatened me, dared me, and challenged me; thinking I was unequal to the task. I like a challenge and if this was 2000 I would perhaps have declared my candidacy at this juncture. But am older and wiser and I want to look at some facts and figures before declaring my intention conclusively.
Buganda parochialism will isolate the Baganda unless (or until) Buganda embraces Ugandans, particularly those who understand and support their cause within a united Uganda.
One Uganda, One People!
I have spent most of my life in Kampala/Buganda (1972 - 2001) and I have studied in some of the countries best educational institutions in Buganda: Kitante, Gayaza, Makerere. My family moved to Kampala from Mbarara in 1972 when I was 6.5 years old and I have never moved back. My parents moved back to Mbarara only 2 years ago! I started my work life in Kampala, Buganda and I have never servered my relationship with Buganda. Our first place of abode in Kampala in '72 was Bugolobi Flats. I am currently establishing residence in Bugolobi Bungalows...but why should I even labor the point? I am a Ugandan citizen with a right to stand in any Ugandan constituency as long as I meet the qualifications and requirements of the electoral law.
Incidentally, I have been invited by FDC and non-FDC supporters and leaders to run in Kibingo (a new district in former Bushenyi,) Mbarara municipality, and Mbarara women's seat. I have zeroed in on Nakawa because I feel a stronger affinity to residents of that community, because of my historical links to the city and because I understand issues of urban poverty, the threats of an expanding and unplanned city and because my heart beats to the rhythm of Kampala.
I joined politics in 2000 because some people threatened me, dared me, and challenged me; thinking I was unequal to the task. I like a challenge and if this was 2000 I would perhaps have declared my candidacy at this juncture. But am older and wiser and I want to look at some facts and figures before declaring my intention conclusively.
Buganda parochialism will isolate the Baganda unless (or until) Buganda embraces Ugandans, particularly those who understand and support their cause within a united Uganda.
One Uganda, One People!
Wednesday, March 17, 2010
Today the Kabaka of Buganda cried
Today the Kabaka of Buganda cried. He shed tears at the desecration of his ancestors resting place. The Baganda will remember this day for generations to come.
Fire burnt down the Kasubi tombs last night and today when the King of Buganda laid his eyes on the ashes that remained in the place of the royal tombs, his heart broke and he grieved with his subjects and with all peace loving Ugandans. A knife has been driven through the hearts of the Baganda and because of the acrimonious relations existing between the Kingdom and the government not many are likely to believe that this is a random act, an act of God, a careless accident. We are more likely to believe that the tombs were destroyed by the evil hand of an arsonist. If indeed this was the job of an arsonist then they have desecrated the Kingdom in a most despicable way.
Within the tombs rested four Kings of the ancient Kingdom of Buganda but the structures, built in the 19th Century; were more than a resting place for kings, more than a UNESCO heritage site, more than a tourist attraction, more than a beautiful piece of ancient architecture. The tombs were a place revered by the Baganda, not only as a physical manifestation of their rich culture, not just as evidence of the architectural sophistication of their ancestors but because they were one of the few remaining places within Kampala that they could truly call their own.
The tombs stood for the perseverance of Buganda and were a symbol of cultural pride that has survived the mayhem, wars, troubles and tribulations that have engulfed their Kingdom through the Centuries. There is no one living in Uganda that remembers the time before the tombs were built. The tombs that stood proud since the late 19th Century basking in regal splendor, reminding us of the dignity and pride of the Baganda and their love for their Kabaka, even in the most adverse circumstances; have now been reduced to ashes. In the past Buganda’s kings have been exiled from their Kingdom, and sent to far off lands when they disagreed with colonial administrators or rulers of independent Uganda but there were places like this, that remained behind for people to pay homage and identify themselves as a community, a place to remind them that their Kingdom would survive adversity as it always had for Centuries.
The mind of a Muganda might grasp the idea of an exiled king, even a king denied the right of passage through his own kingdom -- they were well prepared for such incidents by the history of tension between their kingdom and central government. Nothing has prepared the Baganda for an attack on this significant symbol of their culture. African cultures show great respect for the dead and all burial grounds are sacred. Kasubi tombs was that much more sacred because it is a burial ground for the kings. This attack will be understood by many as an attempt to destroy their culture.
And they have seen it happen in other parts of the country where princes will never become kings unless the central government permits them; where a war has caused a whole generation of the Acholi in the North to grow up in camps, uprooted from their traditional communities, thereby severing the people’s connectedness to their culture. An attack on the culture of a community hits at the core of a people’s identity leaving them nothing to remind them of who they really are, snatching away that intangible strength that is derived from enduring cultural pride.
And so if someone torched Kasubi tombs last night, who will stop them from torching the palace at Bulange? Have they not already torched the King’s own school in Buddo? How many arsonists have been brought to trial since this wave of arson hit the country. Who is answerable for these fiery crimes? If someone torched Kasubi last night they also torched the spirit of Buganda and an invisible line has been crossed by Uganda as a nation. We have entered a dark, fiery, and smoky place that feels my heart with fear for the Kingdom and the country as a whole.
As an opposition activist and a non-Muganda who grew up and spent most of my life in Buganda I see no gain for anyone from this cruel event. The government has nothing to gain from escalating the anger that was already spilling over in Buganda before this incident. The opposition on the other hand is already struggling to gain the trust of Buganda and recruit active leaders to strengthen its ranks in Buganda. This event will only make the Baganda more introverted and suspicious of other nationalities, and of all national politicians.
But it must be stated clearly without fear that it is the Constitutional duty of the state to protect its people, guarantee their rights and provide security for person and property. While many preferred to place the cause of instability in Northern Uganda on Joseph Kony and his gang of rebels many others realized that ultimately it was the duty of the state to protect the citizens of that region from the rebels and the state failed to protect the people of Northern Uganda for two decades. It is the same with the mystery of fires that have consumed life and property from Kibwetere to Kichwamba, to Buddo and now to Kasubi.
There is still a chance that the fire of March 16, 2010 started accidentally. Yet If indeed this was the evil work of an arsonist then ultimately the Uganda government must be held fully responsible and accountable.
Anne Mugisha
Deputy Secretary International & Regional Affairs
FDC
Sunday, March 7, 2010
WOMEN'S DAY STATEMENT FROM 'WOMEN FOR PEACE'
INTER PARTY COOPERATION
"WOMEN FOR PEACE”
"WOMEN FOR PEACE”
PRESS STATEMENT
ON THE OCCASION OF THE INTERNATIONAL WOMEN’S DAY
March 8, 2010
Fellow Ugandans; women of the world.
Members of the press who are our most valued allies in our struggle for true democracy.
We, women belonging to the Inter Party Cooperation, belonging to the four cooperating parties: Conservative Party (CP), Forum for Democratic Change (FDC), Justice Forum (JEEMA) and Uganda People’s Congress UPC) gather here today to mark the International Women’s Day.
We should be celebrating. But we are not. There is no reason to celebrate this day this year. This is because the government has failed to bring those changes that the women were promised 24 years ago, but instead resorted to lying to the women, hoodwinking them and exploiting them.
They appointed some few women as ministers, created special seats for women in parliament. But they did this to deceive the women that they are now empowered. They have not done anything for us the local women who toil and suffer in villages and slums. The real women who have lost their husbands, their sons, their sisters… and have to look after the orphans. The real women who sell their radios, beds and chairs to educate their children. And even after their children they graduate, they cannot get jobs because they don’t know anyone in government.
We cannot celebrate women’s day in Uganda because our husbands, brothers, sons and sisters were murdered by the army and the police in Kampala last September(2009) when the government decided to stop the Kabaka of Buganda from visiting Kayunga, another part of Uganda and Buganda. They were shot with live bullets and killed. Some were dragged out of their houses. They were not armed. There has not been any government apology, no arrests of the police officers and army officers who killed our children have been made. NO compensation has been made to the families of the victims. We know the names of those who killed our children and husbands. We shall not rest until they are punished.
Let all stand up for a minute of silence to remember these, our children, who were murdered by the government trigger happy army and police officers.
May the almighty God rest their souls in eternal peace and determine what to do to those who ordered their killing, and those who accepted the orders to kill.
We are not celebrating International women’s day today because thousands of women die of over bleeding in hospitals during labor in government hospitals where there is no blood for transfusion. Others deliver babies on bare floors in government hospitals. Hundreds of thousands of our children die in infancy, before their first birthday, because of preventable diseases. There are no drugs in government hospitals.
All the money that should help women and their children is stolen by government officials. They stole money for AIDS treatment. Money for Malaria treatment. Money for Tuberclosis treatment. Money for immunization. They don’t steal only health sector money. They stole NSSF money- we all remember Temangalo. They stole CHOGM money. They have stolen NAADS money. They have stolen money meant for the roads, Kampala roads look like village paths. They are buying new aeroplanes. They fly their daughters to Europe to deliver babies. They are still stealing and each time we come up to express ourselves on these matters, they bring riot police and other security forces to intimidate us. The job of the police is to catch thieves, but not to intimidate those who report and fight thieves like us.
We are not celebrating today because the women have been impoverished and have not been assisted by the government to keep the prices of essential goods like salt, sugar, soap and kerosene affordable. No pro-people government does not step in to keep the prices of essential commodities down. They argue that this is a free market economy. Liars! Government, even in a free market economy can subsidise essential commodities to help its poor people. But government officials who would do it are the importers of these commodities. Some are business partners in the some local industries. The higher the prices of commodities, the more they benefit. The fuel prices cannot go down because most petrol stations are owned by the same corrupt government officials. We shall soon publish a list of petrol station owners in Uganda.
We are not celebrating this year because in spite of the official propaganda that government supports girl child education, no girl schools have been established for women in the past 24 years. Instead the existing ones have deteriorated. UPE has become a disaster. Very little money is allocated to education and that little is stolen by corrupt government officials. Children don’t get food at school because the money is stolen. If there was no corruption, the school environment, where a child would get proper lunch and sit in a proper classroom would make the children look forward to going to school. Instead, because of these unacceptable conditions in our schools, girls are dropping out of school at an alarming rate. Other reasons cause girl child drop out. But they are essentially poverty related. There is poverty in Uganda, an otherwise rich country, because of corruption. To fight poverty, you must fight corruption. The “bonna bagaggawale” lie is clear to everyone now. It is another way to steal our money, just like CHOGM and NAADS.
We are not celebrating International Women’s day this year because we are worried of the violence that will occur in Uganda if a free and fair election is not held. The re-appointment of an incompetent and clearly partisan Electoral Commission is an indication that the election has already been rigged before it is held. A disputed election is a recipe for violence. We saw what happened in Kenya, our sister state. A bad electoral commission caused the death of over 1500 people in Kenya and the destructions of property worth billions.
Government officials have been bragging to us that “Uganda is not Kenya, there cannot be violence here”. They had said the same before September 2009 riots in Buganda. Can they say it again? Violence is not a reserve of one country. It is not a monopoly of any body. It is the inevitable consequence of injustice. We demand that the present Electoral Commission be disbanded and replaced by an acceptable one. This is because when there is violence, it is us, the women, who suffer most. We lose our husbands, children, breadwinners, our sisters. We are raped and killed. Our little girls are defiled. This is why we shall not rest until the corrupt electoral commission is disbanded and replaced with an independent one.
Today, we will not go to dance and praise the president and government officials as our fellow women have died, and lost hundreds of their children in Buduuda because the government had no equipment to rescue our people except hand-held hoes and guns! You saw on TV and newspapers what equipment the president carried to Buduuda. A gun. Shame! Shame! Shame! Just because the money to buy rescue equipment was used to probably buy the president’s new plane.
Let us stand up again for a moment of silence to remember the Buduuda landslide victims.
May their souls rest in peace.
We shall instead walk in a procession to Mulago Hospital to meet our fellow mothers in the labour ward and hand over to them the little we have collected for their temporary relief.
We invite you the members of the press to come with us to Mulago Hospital and record the impressions of the suffering women in Uganda’s biggest hospital under the NRM government of 24 years.
FOR GOD AND COUNTRY
Asia Nassuuna Kamulali - Conservative Party ________________________________
Ingrid Turiniwe - Forum for Democratic Change ________________________________
Ogwal Diana - Justice Forum (JEEMA) ________________________________
Jane Mworobe - Uganda Peoples Congress ________________________________
WOMEN FOR PEACE, INTER PARTY COOPERATION
Wednesday, January 20, 2010
Why I will Support Kizza Besigye for FDC Flag Bearer
FDC distinguishes itself again this year with a unique race for party flag bearer that demonstrates clear, principled leadership. We are a party that practices what it preaches. We have two formidable leaders competing for the position of flag bearer and I will support Kizza Besigye simply because he is the leader best positioned to unite the opposition and galvanize the population to cause change in 2011. The reason that we are able to exercise internal democracy within the party is because he has encouraged it and made it possible for anyone to take a shot at any and all positions of leadership in the party including his own. He has taken the lead in explaining that democracy demands that we are all challenged and that competition is in fact an essential ingredient of democratic leadership. He has prepared us for his departure by publicly speaking about it and promising to step down when his term ends in a few years.
Mugisha Muntu has deepened the party's democratic credentials by presenting himself early, before the party president steps down; making it possible for us to test Kizza Besigye’s credibility and authenticity. Where the Ugandan experience has taught us to expect animosity between candidates we are witnessing candidates that have a profound respect for each other competing in a free and fair contest. Whoever loses this election should not feel bereft of hope because their participation has already benefited us all and Ugandans are the winners regardless of the outcome. There will be many in the yellow camp (ruling party) who will scratch their heads in awe and wonder whether FDC is up to some trick because it is unimaginable for them that an incumbent would subject themselves to ‘unnecessary elections.’
It is nonetheless our onerous duty as FDC leaders to choose between two outstanding candidates for flag bearer for the 2011 presidential elections and my choice is made. I will once again campaign by Internet and phone to convince FDC delegates to elect Kizza Besigye and God willing I will join them in April to cast my own ballot for him. Here is why:
Kizza Besigye is a brand. A unique and valuable brand that has withstood tempestuous weather and severe testing on Uganda’s political market. His brand has become so successful that it has taken opposition party leadership from being the most dangerous and ridiculed job in the land to one of the most sought after positions. If one were to put a price on his brand it would be pretty high for it was built through great personal suffering, loss and sacrifice. Kizza Besigye’s brand invokes concrete values including trust, hope, selflessness, persistence, honor, valor, patience, courage and leadership. Perhaps with time Mugisha Muntu might build confidence in his own brand but speaking today, just 13 months before a presidential election; I know that the choice is between going to the market with an established brand and building a new brand. We simply do not have the time.
Kizza Besigye’s detractors complain about his aggressive and brutal honesty in dealing with the oppressor which they claim strikes so much fear in President Museveni and his supporters that they will go to extremes to stay in power for fear of vengeance. They argue that more people are likely to be drawn to Mugisha Muntu’s soft-spoken style and President Museveni would be more likely to hand over power to him. This group believes they can massage Museveni out of power.
There are three problems with that particular argument. First and foremost anyone who has witnessed the extent to which this government will go to hang onto power, will find the argument extremely naïve. As Mary Karoro pointed out, why would Museveni ever want to hand power to the opposition? A logical question, particularly as he has shown no inclination to hand over power even within his own party where there are numerous masseurs that would gladly massage him out in unfettered comfort?
Secondly those who argue that Muntu would attract new voters from the Movement are simply starting their search for opposition votes in the wrong place. They could start by organzing to guard the votes they already have so that after they are cast they are actually counted and accuratey reported. They may find that they already have more than enough to win an election. Thirdly, any new votes will most likely come from freshly disgruntled constituencies in places like Buganda and Bunyoro and the mood in those constituencies is not to massage the oppressor.
The massage approach does not resonate well with those who want both change and justice. It would only entrench the mistaken but long held view that FDC is made up of disgruntled Movement apologists who want to replace Museveni; an image that we have struggled to correct for years. We have come a long way in defining ourselves and the moderate attitude which every Movement sympathizer has asked us to embrace is exactly what will isolate us from our grassroots supporters. They are trusting us to deliver social and economic justice and not to bargain a compromise with the oppressor.
Another popular argument against Besigye is that he is sticking to the chair like super glue! Detractors argue that KB has run twice against President Museveni and it is time for him to let another candidate have a go. I am confident that Kizza Besigye will leave FDC Presidency at the end of his current term and I dare say he is anxious to set an example of a peaceful hand over of leadership. Moreover, the analogy that compares Kizza Besigye’s ten years of sacrifice to President Museveni’s 25 years of privilege is lame. I have argued elsewhere that it is tantamount to saying that Nelson Mandela should have stepped aside when he left jail and allowed a fresh face to run for ANC and South African presidency because Mandela was a leading ANC figure for too long prior to South Africa's 1994 elections. Ridiculous!
Those who support Mugisha Muntu have an uphill task of convincing FDC delegates that they have a superior brand for the current political market. Eleven months ago they managed to convince 53 delegates out of 709 that their candidate was the best to lead the party. They now have 3 months to achieve a miracle and I can only wish them luck.
Their biggest huddle will be Besigye’s outstanding performance as a leader. Kizza Besigye leads from the front. His leadership is visible and accessible for all and delegates will benchmark other leaders against his record. Besigye does not disappear from public view between elections only to reappear around election time. He is right there at the frontline battling alongside activists not in the confines of Parliament or in selective sanitized dialogues but right there where activism meets oppression. You will find him leading demonstrations, visiting activists in jail, supporting candidates in by-elections, consulting grassroots supporters, mobilizing Diaspora support, engaging the media, fundraising for the party, building and seeking international recognition and support for Uganda’s opposition. He does not make pledges to the party that are dependent on his being elected. He did what he was supposed to do without strings attached even before there was a party to speak of.
When Kizza Besigye leaves office in a few years FDC will have an opportunity to leap forward and make a clean break from the past while tapping into a new market of voters who are ready to bury the rhetoric of the last two and a half decade. Uganda’s politics is currently stuck in a rut of the Luweero ‘bush war.’ Political dialogue has narrowed down to a debate between those who think the war created heroes and those who believe it created villains those who think it was a just war and those who believe it was an opportunistic war.
As long as leaders emerging from that war continue to lead our party and country we can expect those relationships to continue to dominate and define our political dialogue. Reports that Muntu is being backed by veteran politicians Amanya Mushega and Richard Kaijuka further strengthens my resolve to support the bush candidate that is about to step down and immediately embark on a campaign to challenge the old narrative while offering a fresh perspective.
We need a fresh perspective that is removed from the sentiments and fall-out of the bush war. Replacing Kizza Besigye with Mugisha Muntu simply prolongs the bush war narrative.
Anne Mugisha
Deputy Secretary Regional and International Affairs
Forum for Democratic Change
Mugisha Muntu has deepened the party's democratic credentials by presenting himself early, before the party president steps down; making it possible for us to test Kizza Besigye’s credibility and authenticity. Where the Ugandan experience has taught us to expect animosity between candidates we are witnessing candidates that have a profound respect for each other competing in a free and fair contest. Whoever loses this election should not feel bereft of hope because their participation has already benefited us all and Ugandans are the winners regardless of the outcome. There will be many in the yellow camp (ruling party) who will scratch their heads in awe and wonder whether FDC is up to some trick because it is unimaginable for them that an incumbent would subject themselves to ‘unnecessary elections.’
It is nonetheless our onerous duty as FDC leaders to choose between two outstanding candidates for flag bearer for the 2011 presidential elections and my choice is made. I will once again campaign by Internet and phone to convince FDC delegates to elect Kizza Besigye and God willing I will join them in April to cast my own ballot for him. Here is why:
Kizza Besigye is a brand. A unique and valuable brand that has withstood tempestuous weather and severe testing on Uganda’s political market. His brand has become so successful that it has taken opposition party leadership from being the most dangerous and ridiculed job in the land to one of the most sought after positions. If one were to put a price on his brand it would be pretty high for it was built through great personal suffering, loss and sacrifice. Kizza Besigye’s brand invokes concrete values including trust, hope, selflessness, persistence, honor, valor, patience, courage and leadership. Perhaps with time Mugisha Muntu might build confidence in his own brand but speaking today, just 13 months before a presidential election; I know that the choice is between going to the market with an established brand and building a new brand. We simply do not have the time.
Kizza Besigye’s detractors complain about his aggressive and brutal honesty in dealing with the oppressor which they claim strikes so much fear in President Museveni and his supporters that they will go to extremes to stay in power for fear of vengeance. They argue that more people are likely to be drawn to Mugisha Muntu’s soft-spoken style and President Museveni would be more likely to hand over power to him. This group believes they can massage Museveni out of power.
There are three problems with that particular argument. First and foremost anyone who has witnessed the extent to which this government will go to hang onto power, will find the argument extremely naïve. As Mary Karoro pointed out, why would Museveni ever want to hand power to the opposition? A logical question, particularly as he has shown no inclination to hand over power even within his own party where there are numerous masseurs that would gladly massage him out in unfettered comfort?
Secondly those who argue that Muntu would attract new voters from the Movement are simply starting their search for opposition votes in the wrong place. They could start by organzing to guard the votes they already have so that after they are cast they are actually counted and accuratey reported. They may find that they already have more than enough to win an election. Thirdly, any new votes will most likely come from freshly disgruntled constituencies in places like Buganda and Bunyoro and the mood in those constituencies is not to massage the oppressor.
The massage approach does not resonate well with those who want both change and justice. It would only entrench the mistaken but long held view that FDC is made up of disgruntled Movement apologists who want to replace Museveni; an image that we have struggled to correct for years. We have come a long way in defining ourselves and the moderate attitude which every Movement sympathizer has asked us to embrace is exactly what will isolate us from our grassroots supporters. They are trusting us to deliver social and economic justice and not to bargain a compromise with the oppressor.
Another popular argument against Besigye is that he is sticking to the chair like super glue! Detractors argue that KB has run twice against President Museveni and it is time for him to let another candidate have a go. I am confident that Kizza Besigye will leave FDC Presidency at the end of his current term and I dare say he is anxious to set an example of a peaceful hand over of leadership. Moreover, the analogy that compares Kizza Besigye’s ten years of sacrifice to President Museveni’s 25 years of privilege is lame. I have argued elsewhere that it is tantamount to saying that Nelson Mandela should have stepped aside when he left jail and allowed a fresh face to run for ANC and South African presidency because Mandela was a leading ANC figure for too long prior to South Africa's 1994 elections. Ridiculous!
Those who support Mugisha Muntu have an uphill task of convincing FDC delegates that they have a superior brand for the current political market. Eleven months ago they managed to convince 53 delegates out of 709 that their candidate was the best to lead the party. They now have 3 months to achieve a miracle and I can only wish them luck.
Their biggest huddle will be Besigye’s outstanding performance as a leader. Kizza Besigye leads from the front. His leadership is visible and accessible for all and delegates will benchmark other leaders against his record. Besigye does not disappear from public view between elections only to reappear around election time. He is right there at the frontline battling alongside activists not in the confines of Parliament or in selective sanitized dialogues but right there where activism meets oppression. You will find him leading demonstrations, visiting activists in jail, supporting candidates in by-elections, consulting grassroots supporters, mobilizing Diaspora support, engaging the media, fundraising for the party, building and seeking international recognition and support for Uganda’s opposition. He does not make pledges to the party that are dependent on his being elected. He did what he was supposed to do without strings attached even before there was a party to speak of.
When Kizza Besigye leaves office in a few years FDC will have an opportunity to leap forward and make a clean break from the past while tapping into a new market of voters who are ready to bury the rhetoric of the last two and a half decade. Uganda’s politics is currently stuck in a rut of the Luweero ‘bush war.’ Political dialogue has narrowed down to a debate between those who think the war created heroes and those who believe it created villains those who think it was a just war and those who believe it was an opportunistic war.
As long as leaders emerging from that war continue to lead our party and country we can expect those relationships to continue to dominate and define our political dialogue. Reports that Muntu is being backed by veteran politicians Amanya Mushega and Richard Kaijuka further strengthens my resolve to support the bush candidate that is about to step down and immediately embark on a campaign to challenge the old narrative while offering a fresh perspective.
We need a fresh perspective that is removed from the sentiments and fall-out of the bush war. Replacing Kizza Besigye with Mugisha Muntu simply prolongs the bush war narrative.
Anne Mugisha
Deputy Secretary Regional and International Affairs
Forum for Democratic Change
Thursday, January 14, 2010
Anne Mugisha, Next President of Forum for Democratic Change
Anne holds the position of Deputy Secretary for International and Regional Affairs and coordinates FDC's external relations, liaising with democracy activists based in the Diaspora and drawing international attention to the democracy deficit in Uganda. She is a lawyer and human rights activist who has held diplomatic and management positions in Uganda's civil service and in the NGO sector. She is also a Reagan-Fascell Democracy Fellow and a regular contributor of democratization and human rights OP-EDs in Uganda's media.
Anne joined active opposition politics in November 2000 as a publicity Secretary for the Elect Kizza Besigye Task force which offered the first serious challenge to President Yoweri Museveni’s government in an election that was ranked as Uganda’s most violent election. She stood for Parliamentary elections and contested for the seat of Uganda’s capital city, Kampala in May 2001. Shortly after the presidential and parliamentary elections Anne left Uganda following constant harassment and threats from security operatives. She stayed briefly in South Africa where she continued to interact with other Ugandan dissidents and opposition politicians leading to their founding of Reform Agenda; a political pressure group established to advocate for democratic reforms in Uganda.
Anne moved to USA in February 2002 as Executive Director of RESPOND Uganda a Diaspora Organization based in Washington DC that sought to create awareness about political persecution and regressing democratic development in Uganda. It was here that she was awarded the Reagan Fascell Democracy Fellowship at the National Endowment for Democracy in Washington DC. When Uganda instituted a multiparty system of governance, Reform Agenda merged with other newly formed political groups to form Forum for Democratic Change in December 2004. Anne was named External Coordinator and was appointed Special Envoy in the President’s Office at the Party;s first Delegate's Conference in 2005. She remained in the USA from where she assisted in coordinating a communications and fundraising initiative for the 2006 general elections in Uganda. In 2009 Anne was appointed to her current position of Deputy Secretary for Regional and International Affairs at the party’s second delegates conference.
Anne has harnessed the power of the World Wide Web to develop a virtual network of Ugandan political activists who support mobilization and movement building activities at the grassroots in Uganda. She started and moderated a virtual discussion forum in 2002 for the Reform Agenda that brought together over 700 Ugandan activists based in the Diaspora. The forum later became the launch pad for communication and fundraising campaigns for the 2006 elections and was renamed FDC Discussion Forum. In addition to moderating the forum Anne commissioned the design and construction of the the party’s first website www.fdcuganda.org which became an important source of campaign news from the opposition and was a source for the media in Uganda and for Ugandans in the Diaspora during the 2006 election campaigns.
Anne builds and maintains effective partnerships with Donor organizations, think tanks, Diaspora communities and individual rights activists to foster financial, technological and material support for the opposition in Uganda. She plays an important role in communicating with varying stakeholders. Between Oct 2004-2006 Anne was a Program Associate at Women's Learning Partnership in Bethesda, Maryland, USA; where she coordinated leadership training projects for transnational partner organizations working with women living in adverse conditions, including refugee women, women living under Islamic laws, and women living in post conflict communities in Africa, Asia and the Middle East.
For more information visit Anne's Campaign Page on Facebook
Tuesday, January 12, 2010
The anti-homosexuality Bill: Snatching Victory from the Jaws of Defeat
By failing to come out strongly against the Anti-Homosexuality Bill and condemning it clearly as an unnecessary and appalling piece of proposed legislation, the Ugandan opposition conceded another opportunity to lay bare the human rights abuses of the NRM government and afforded Museveni and his government an opportunity to emerge as the voice of reason.
Opposition politicians were divided in opinion about whether to oppose the Bill. Some genuinely supported and even co-sponsored the Bill because their conscience demanded it. Others opposed the Bill privately but preferred to play safe politics fearing the wrath of the majority of their constituents who support the Bill. They knew that all their opponents had to do was to call them homosexuals or gay sympathizers and that would surely wipe out their votes come polling day.
The political leaders whose world view was shaped to believe that homosexuality is so repugnant that they were willing to append their name to legislation that condemned homosexuals to death by hanging are not my target today. They acted according to their conscience however warped we may consider it to be. But what about the rest? The ones who told journalists that they privately opposed the Bill but dare not vote against it when it comes up for hearing; The ones who waited to take the cue from Donors rather than their conscience, and the ones who will now condemn the Bill because it is safe to do since even President Museveni has developed cold feet and turned into a gay rights apologist? What are we to make of those political leaders?
They failed to articulate to the public the difference between supporting the spread of homosexuality and the repressive nature of Bahati's Bill. They were more concerned about the political ramifications of supporting the Bill than on the potential of human rights violations that could result from passing the Bill. The irony cannot be lost on them that it has taken Museveni - with a little help from our development partners (read: Donors) to put this Bill into a human rights perspective. He set aside his personal homophobic inclinations and prevailed over those who were stampeding the nation into embracing this monstrosity of a Bill.
While his intervention is welcome we must not lose sight of the influences that have temporarily subdued his homophobia and transformed him into the voice of reason. It was not because he was suddenly enamored by the gay community or gay rights, it was not because Ugandan voters (his bosses) prevailed over him and begged him to have mercy on the gays, nor was it a change in his conviction that gay rights are human rights but rather it was in deference to Donor country demands that he reframed the issue as a foreign policy issue. The New Vision reports 'Museveni said he had been questioned about the bill by several foreign leaders, including the Canadian prime minister, British Prime Minister Gordon Brown and US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. He said Clinton called him for over 45 minutes over the issue.
“I told them that this bill was brought up by a private member and I have not even had time to discuss it with him. It is neither the Government nor the NRM party. It is a private member,” Museveni told the NRM meeting at State House Entebbe. '
Museveni effectively washed his hands and the hands of government of anything to do with Bahati's Bill. He also reframed the issue as a foreign policy (rather than human rights) issue! Nsaba Buturo, should be feeling like an idiot. He is after all a spokesperson of the government on issues of morality and ethics. Ha!
Now some conspiracy theorists may believe that Museveni hatched the whole plan from scratch and put Hon. Bahati and Buturo up to some mischief in order to get where we are today. I personally doubt that Museveni could have predicted how this particular debate would unfold. I tend to agree with those who believe that President Museveni saw an opportunity to get out of a bad situation, grabbed it and snatched victory from the jaws of defeat. The anti-homosexuality debate brought too much unwanted focus on Uganda's political and human rights crises and that is not where Museveni's government wants to be ahead of election time. So his finely tuned political antennae told him to feed Bahati and Buturo to the wolves whilst using the same opportunity to emerge as mediator, the voice of reason, the one who brings back sanity before some extremist elements drive the country over a cliff.
And so there is a collective sigh of relief from the West. Gay activists are appeased and Donor government's like the USA which need Museveni to continue protecting its interests in places like Somalia and sending mercenaries to Iraq, but dare not antagonize the powerful gay lobby at home; are once again at peace. In order for them to continue their game of 'see no evil, speak no evil' in Uganda, the US government must ensure that it's citizens are not agitated enough to put their African partner under closer scrutiny. That scrutiny might uncover more rights abuses, corruption, nepotism, abuse of office, election malpractices and other evils that the US likes to condemn in countries that do not do the US' bidding, or supply it with critical resources like oil or mercenaries.
So what does that say of our politicians and politics in general? To my friends in the opposition who kept tight lipped when their conscience told them otherwise I will quote Abraham Lincoln: To sin by silence when they should protest makes cowards of men.
To those who were repelled by the excessive punitive proposals in the Bill but then chose to play it safe for fear of political repercussions I will quote Martin Luther King, Jr: Cowardice asks the question, 'Is it safe?' Expediency asks the question, 'Is it politic?' Vanity asks the question, 'Is it popular?' But, conscience asks the question, 'Is it right?' And there comes a time when one must take a position that is neither safe, nor politic, nor popular but one must take it because one's conscience tells one that it is right.'
Opposition politicians were divided in opinion about whether to oppose the Bill. Some genuinely supported and even co-sponsored the Bill because their conscience demanded it. Others opposed the Bill privately but preferred to play safe politics fearing the wrath of the majority of their constituents who support the Bill. They knew that all their opponents had to do was to call them homosexuals or gay sympathizers and that would surely wipe out their votes come polling day.
The political leaders whose world view was shaped to believe that homosexuality is so repugnant that they were willing to append their name to legislation that condemned homosexuals to death by hanging are not my target today. They acted according to their conscience however warped we may consider it to be. But what about the rest? The ones who told journalists that they privately opposed the Bill but dare not vote against it when it comes up for hearing; The ones who waited to take the cue from Donors rather than their conscience, and the ones who will now condemn the Bill because it is safe to do since even President Museveni has developed cold feet and turned into a gay rights apologist? What are we to make of those political leaders?
They failed to articulate to the public the difference between supporting the spread of homosexuality and the repressive nature of Bahati's Bill. They were more concerned about the political ramifications of supporting the Bill than on the potential of human rights violations that could result from passing the Bill. The irony cannot be lost on them that it has taken Museveni - with a little help from our development partners (read: Donors) to put this Bill into a human rights perspective. He set aside his personal homophobic inclinations and prevailed over those who were stampeding the nation into embracing this monstrosity of a Bill.
While his intervention is welcome we must not lose sight of the influences that have temporarily subdued his homophobia and transformed him into the voice of reason. It was not because he was suddenly enamored by the gay community or gay rights, it was not because Ugandan voters (his bosses) prevailed over him and begged him to have mercy on the gays, nor was it a change in his conviction that gay rights are human rights but rather it was in deference to Donor country demands that he reframed the issue as a foreign policy issue. The New Vision reports 'Museveni said he had been questioned about the bill by several foreign leaders, including the Canadian prime minister, British Prime Minister Gordon Brown and US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton. He said Clinton called him for over 45 minutes over the issue.
“I told them that this bill was brought up by a private member and I have not even had time to discuss it with him. It is neither the Government nor the NRM party. It is a private member,” Museveni told the NRM meeting at State House Entebbe. '
Museveni effectively washed his hands and the hands of government of anything to do with Bahati's Bill. He also reframed the issue as a foreign policy (rather than human rights) issue! Nsaba Buturo, should be feeling like an idiot. He is after all a spokesperson of the government on issues of morality and ethics. Ha!
Now some conspiracy theorists may believe that Museveni hatched the whole plan from scratch and put Hon. Bahati and Buturo up to some mischief in order to get where we are today. I personally doubt that Museveni could have predicted how this particular debate would unfold. I tend to agree with those who believe that President Museveni saw an opportunity to get out of a bad situation, grabbed it and snatched victory from the jaws of defeat. The anti-homosexuality debate brought too much unwanted focus on Uganda's political and human rights crises and that is not where Museveni's government wants to be ahead of election time. So his finely tuned political antennae told him to feed Bahati and Buturo to the wolves whilst using the same opportunity to emerge as mediator, the voice of reason, the one who brings back sanity before some extremist elements drive the country over a cliff.
And so there is a collective sigh of relief from the West. Gay activists are appeased and Donor government's like the USA which need Museveni to continue protecting its interests in places like Somalia and sending mercenaries to Iraq, but dare not antagonize the powerful gay lobby at home; are once again at peace. In order for them to continue their game of 'see no evil, speak no evil' in Uganda, the US government must ensure that it's citizens are not agitated enough to put their African partner under closer scrutiny. That scrutiny might uncover more rights abuses, corruption, nepotism, abuse of office, election malpractices and other evils that the US likes to condemn in countries that do not do the US' bidding, or supply it with critical resources like oil or mercenaries.
So what does that say of our politicians and politics in general? To my friends in the opposition who kept tight lipped when their conscience told them otherwise I will quote Abraham Lincoln: To sin by silence when they should protest makes cowards of men.
To those who were repelled by the excessive punitive proposals in the Bill but then chose to play it safe for fear of political repercussions I will quote Martin Luther King, Jr: Cowardice asks the question, 'Is it safe?' Expediency asks the question, 'Is it politic?' Vanity asks the question, 'Is it popular?' But, conscience asks the question, 'Is it right?' And there comes a time when one must take a position that is neither safe, nor politic, nor popular but one must take it because one's conscience tells one that it is right.'
Throughout history the men and women who have distinguished themselves as leaders have not chosen the 'safe' line in defiance of their conscience or the popular line to please voters or Donor. They have instead chosen to stand up and defend what their conscience dictates and usually that aligns naturally with the common good for all humanity. And here is another quote from Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn: 'Justice is conscience, not a personal conscience but the conscience of the whole of humanity. Those who clearly recognize the voice of their own conscience usually recognize also the voice of justice.'
The lesson we learn from this saga is that intense lobbying by Donors can cure an African Head of State of homophobia. Or more to the point the threat of withdrawing funds from critical programs like PEPFAR can deliver a human rights lesson better than any text book on the subject. But let us remain acutely aware of the influences that shape our political decisions and national policies?
This Bill was not stalled because of the voice of Ugandan voters - given its popularity among Ugandan voters. Nor was it stalled because of a 'Saul - to - Paul' moment which touched the conscience of our benevolent ruler making him extremely sensitive to the rights of gay people. Sadly, this saga reminds us that the center of real power is not even in the State House that the opposition is trying to wrest from Museveni.
President Museveni remains as homophobic as he was when he warned the youth a few weeks ago against homosexuality but his conscience like that of my silent colleagues in the opposition is quite accommodating when he senses a potential threat to his political survival.
To the many friends abroad that we have made during this battle I say, do not turn your attention away from Uganda because of this small victory, for as soon as you look away the same forces (read: religious fanatics) that introduced the idea of this Bill will re-emerge and recreate themselves to fight the battle another day in another way. Their disengagement at this point is not based on principle, good will, or deference to their conscience, but on political expedience. It was because you cared enough to look closely at Uganda and to lobby your governments to act that homosexuals have won a temporary reprieve.
Remain focused on Uganda.
Anne Mugisha
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